Iraqi Kurdistan and the Pains of Labor
The meeting titled "Searching for Peace and a Future Together" held by the Abant Platform in Arbil has allowed us to make a series of observations and to form opinions.
One of the observations is that a condensed process of nation-state building is taking place in Iraqi Kurdistan. Although minority rights, accepted today by Western democracies as the most fundamental criterion of democracy, have already been secured and put into practice, Kurdishness is the principal constituent. When you live in Turkey, it is impossible not to predict what this homogenizing view can lead to, and to avoid worrying.
It could be observed, because of the infrastructural investments made, that the funding obtained from oil revenue has increased. The large avenues, lighting systems and tall and modern business centers under construction and the country-style homes of the "rich" are remarkable. But what is more remarkable is that all of these are understood as symbols of modernity that are outside the Middle Eastern lifestyle. This development, which is seen as a source of pride, also has some connotations when it comes to inferring the revenues and sources of these investments. The fact that modernization is based on their own resources and that "Green (Islamic)" capital is not wanted shows that this process of nation-state formation bears some traits that are reminiscent of Turkey.
The freedom motif comes to the fore in the construction of the nation-state; it is observed that Bush's policy of spreading freedom has meaning in the region, if not in the world as a whole. We don't know how this will go down in history, but Arbil is probably the place in which Bush is most frequently seen as a hero. Although this situation depicts Kurds as "collaborators" for the rest of Iraq, no annoyance is felt because, in any case, the freedom of the Kurdistan region simply means becoming free of Baghdad.
Just like all processes of becoming a nation-state that are accomplished in a condensed time period and not as a result of natural social processes, there is a cadre of founders. Although the name Barzani is involved in the main framework of this cadre, the situation is much more complex. This cadre, in some sense, has many features that may lead to their depiction as "white Kurds." They are dressed in suits, are mostly English speaking and they prefer the literary use of Kurdish and writing it in a Latin alphabet. This cadre argues that education is a must and that opening up to the "West" has to be accomplished at any rate. This cadre generally opposes the construction of social ties that would be based on religious systems and thinks that religious fraternity is not a social element. Again, Turkish history comes to the mind.
Quite naturally, there are paradoxes that will lead to serious problems in the future. One of these is the relationship this cadre of founders has established with Turkey, in the context of "modernization," and the religious circles that will strengthen the hands of their own elite. It seems that this cadre, which is afraid of the rising influence of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the growing strength of Hamas, al-Qaeda and Hezbollah in the region, has accepted the religious circles of Turkey. However, they are not wrong in their concern, and it is true that Turkey is a guarantee against the growing strength of radical movements.
It is very clear that following the reduction of the US presence in Iraq, foreign support for the construction of the nation-state is wanted from Turkey. It is not known whether Turkey is ready for that, but let's hope that errors are not made when adopting the Turkish model in this quick process of nation-state construction. Because Turkey is not the Turkey of the past and there is no need for a new and different incongruity.
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