What does Erdoğan want from religious communities

This article focuses on a debate that is essentially an issue of democracy. The status of religious communities (cemaat) reflects the level of democratic progress. These communities are treated as organized criminal enterprises in times of monopolization of power or coup administrations. In these times they are subjected to repression and restrictions.

One of the obvious criteria for democratic progress is the autonomy of religious communities. There is only one reason for this: Religious communities refer to the presence of an organized society. These communities transform a traditionally religious motivation into a social solidarity network. As civil societies develop, they address the needs of the people. Religious communities fill huge voids and gaps in fields such as education, health, social security and culture. Their ability to perform these functions raises respect and prestige for them in the society. Autocratic administrations, however, feel intimidated by this.

The common denominator between the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and religious communities bridged the gap between civil society and the administration in the beginning; however, this gap has now widened. The ethical religious communities' opposition to incidents of corruption represents the most serious and effective opposition and objection against Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Erdoğan has waged a comprehensive war against the world of religious communities, a world he is familiar with. In doing this Erdoğan attempts to create an Erdoğanist community by utilizing the state apparatus.

The main compartments of this new Erdoğan-led community are made up of the Foundation for Youth and Education in Turkey (TÜRGEV), which is funded by public donations, the spread of religious education and religious schools and the Religious Affairs Directorate. For someone who relies on state power, this project may sound impressive; but in history there is not one example of success for a community that survived by relying on state support.

Speaking after the Cabinet meeting on Tuesday, Bülent Arınç drew a line under the discussion on the religious communities. In a clear statement, Arınç said there was no discussion about the National Security Policy Paper (MGSB) in the National Security Council (MGK) meeting and added that there was no debate over religious communities in the same meeting. There was an implied challenge in his speech against the president: He said the paper could be discussed at the MGK meeting in case the government consents. With this reference, Arınç suggested that the president does not have the authority to declare religious communities threats. Given that no one in the government pays attention to this issue, this is a personal matter for Erdoğan. There is a disagreement between the religious communities and Erdoğan; and corruption is the main source of this disagreement.

Religious communities have been regarded as threats by secular elites and pro-coup figures up until recently. The war that a political leader who holds Islamist views has waged against the religious communities shows this disagreement is not about secularism or religiosity but about power. These communities are not monolithic; there is an indirect competition between them. Their common denominator is that the communities pay attention to politics only when it is necessary to do so. Seeking assurance against state repression, the communities establish political ties with the political administrations. The political administrations are trying to transform this attention into party support. However, because political competition is against their ethical arguments, the communities never maintain organic ties. Experience shows that communities with strong political engagement lose their respect and disappear from the social stage pretty quickly.

Religious communities are influential social organizations; their strength stems from their ability to keep society alive. There is no stronger and more influential remedy than the community's offer to deal with major social problems, including drug abuse and criminal activities. The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) group recruits new members from among social groups that religious communities have no access to.

Despite his charisma and level of control over the state apparatus, Erdoğan will not be able to destroy a 900-year-old tradition.

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